"The CHRNA6 Gene, Patience, and Voter Turnout" (.pdf)
by Chris Dawes (University of California, San Diego) and Peter John Loewen (University of Toronto)
This paper explores the relationship between a gene known to regulate patience and self-reported voter turnout. Given that the costs of voting are generally required before the benefits of voting are realized, a rational calculus of voting would suggest that citizens with higher discount factors are less likely to participate. This intuition has been demonstrated empirically (see Fowler and Kam 2006). Using ADD Health, a large representative sample of American youth, we explore whether two genes known to regulate impulsivity are related to self-reported turnout in an American election. After a series of tests, we find that one single nucleotide polymorphism on one of these genes is related to turnout. We then apply further tests to check the robustness of this finding. We present this paper as an example of how genetic information on survey respondents can be used to explore gene association.
"The Heritability of Duty and Voter Turnout" (.pdf)
by Peter John Loewen (University of Toronto) and Chris Dawes (University of California, San Diego)
In this paper we use another technique, namely twin studies. Using a sample of approximately 300 pairs, we explore how much variance in the belief that voting is a duty is attributable to genes. We derive a heritability estimate of about one third of variance. This work demonstrates how twin studies, coupled with survey responses, can be used to test an attitude or disposition thought to be central to the decision to participate in politics.
"COMT, Extraversion and Partisan Attachment" (.pdf)
by Christopher T. Dawes (University of California, San Diego)
In this paper, the author shows that the personality trait of extraversion mediates the relationship between a gene (COMT) and partisan attachment. This paper leverages survey data on personality types. It also presents a replication of results out-of-sample, which is an increasingly standard practice in behaviour genetics research. In doing so, it provides a example of an empirical framework for future genopolitics research.
"Measuring Individual Identity: Experimental Evidence" (.pdf)
by Alexander Kuo (Juan March Institute, Stanford University) and Yotam Margalit (Columbia University)
What determines the identity category people feel they most belong to? What is the political significance of one's proclaimed identity? Recent research addresses this question using surveys that explicitly ask individuals about their identity. Yet little is known about the nature of the attachments conveyed in responses to identity questions. We conduct a set of studies and experiments that investigate these reported attachments. Our findings suggest that: (1) the purported identity captured in survey responses varies significantly within subjects over time; (2) changes in people's primary identity can be highly influenced by situational triggers; (3) changes in purported self-identity do not imply a corresponding change in policy preferences. Our results are drawn from three studies that vary in terms of design, country sample, and research instrument. The findings have implications for research on identity choice, as well as on the use of surveys in studying the role of identity in comparative politics.
"Opposition to employment policy: differences in attitudes towards ethnic and income policy among Dutch majority members" (.pdf)
by Marieke van Londen (Radboud University Nijmegen), Marcel Coenders (Utrecht University) and Peer Scheepers (Radboud University Nijmegen)
Since the mid-nineties, the Dutch government has abandoned many of its ethnic policies in favour of new 'integration' policies that focus on the socio-economic dimension of integration and target a broader category of disadvantaged people. We examine to what extent the attitudes of Dutch majority members towards employment policy vary with the policy's target-group. In a split-ballot design respondents were presented with the same policy issue, but the target-group, 'ethnic minorities' or 'people in poor neighbourhoods', varied randomly. The results indicate that opposition to employment policy is low and does not vary with the policy's target-group. Explanations for opposition to employment policy however, do vary with the policy's target-group. Perceived threat from ethnic minorities is more consequential for opposition to ethnic-targeted policy than for opposition to income-targeted policy.