[SSU-YÜ, Teng, & FAIRBANK, John K. (1982).China's response to the West. A documentary Survey,1839-1923. Cambridge. Harvard University Press, pg. 99-102]

Carta de Guo Songdao des de Londres, 1871
 

        Here in England the circumstances of administration, education and the social customs are changing every day. To trace the whole history of the nation—at first the king and the people struggled for political power and slaughtered one another. Great confusion lasted for several decades or a hundred years until the time of Jo-erh-jih [i.e., George I, 1714-1727] when the situation became settled. Originally there was no time-honored accumu-lation of absolute virtue and excellent education (as there had been in China). . . Their attainment of wealth and strength really began only after the Ch'ien-lung period (1736-1795). Steamships were first built at the beginning of the Ch'ien-lung period, but at first they were not very profitable. Then in 1801 they began using them on the ocean. The method was again followed in the building of locomotives, which had its beginning in 1813. Thereafter the study of electricity was pursued. Letters and messages were transmitted by a machine of magnetic-iron, until in 1838 a telegraph was first established in their national capital. . . From the beginning of England's rise, it has been only several decades; while China was weak and declining they covered a distance of 70,000 li in the wink of an eye. . . Chinese scholars and officials are presumptuous in their sanctuary and are trying to obstruct the changes of the universe; they can never succeed.

        After several months here, I have actually seen the convenience of the railway train. A round trip of 300 or 400 li takes only half a day. In this country the local gentry strongly advise China to build railways; they say that the power and might of England are really based on them. At first they were also suspicious [like the Chinese populace] and tried to stop their construction. To speak first of the road between London and the sea-port of Southampton—the coach transportation back and forth formerly used more than 30,000 horses, and the people concerned were afraid that this railroad would be detrimental to their livelihood. But when the railroad was opened as many as 60,000 or 70,000 horses were used. This was because the convenience of the railroad daily attracted more traffic and, since the train could run on only one route, those who were several tens of li away and came to take the train had to make use of more horses.

        Last winter when I passed through Shanghai I saw a railroad map in the Academy of Natural Sciences on which there was shown a railroad from India directly to Yunnan; a branch . . . going eastward to Canton, etc., . . . Upon seeing it I was greatly surprised, saying that no sooner had trade relations with Yunnan been opened than the routes of railroads were im-mediately planned. . .

        When the Japanese minister saw me, he said that the natural resources of the universe can be developed by Westerners. They do the hard part— we do the easy part; can we waste more time in idleness? The vastness of China's territory and the number of her people are envied by all nations, but he has learned that until now not a single thing has been developed in China, which is a great pity. I was so embarrassed that I could make no reply...

        The foreigners' power is daily becoming more oppressive, and we suffer increasingly from their disturbances. We should investigate carefully their entire history and itemize [p. 3] the actual causes of their becoming rich and strong and uncover their ambitions. . . I have had a plan to compile a book and submit it to the Tsungli Yamen for distribution among the schools of the empire... But, when I reached the capital, I was frustrated by the clamorous opinion there and I refrained from expressing myself.

        Personally I think there is something in the minds of the Chinese which is absolutely unintelligible. Among the injuries that Westerners do us there is nothing more serious than opium. Even the British gentlemen feel ashamed of having used this pernicious thing as a pretext for hostilities with China, and they are making a strong effort to eradicate it. Yet Chinese scholars and officials are willing to indulge complacently in it, without any sense of remorse. For several decades it has been the national humiliation, it has exhausted our financial power and poisoned and injured the lives of our people, but there is not a single person whose conscience is weighed down by it. Now clocks, watches, and toys are owned by all families, and woolen and cotton cloth and the like are prevalent in poor districts and the isolated countryside. The practice in Kiangsu and Chekiang even goes as far as to put aside the national currency for the exclusive use of foreign bank notes. . . Nevertheless as soon as these people heard of the building of railroads and telegraph lines they became sorely disturbed and enraged and arose in multitudes to create hindrances and difficulties. There are even people who regard foreign machines as an object of public hatred. Tseng Chi-tse, on account of a family funeral, took a small steamship [instead of walking home with a sorrowful face, according to custom] from Nanking to Changsha; this caused a great uproar among the local officials and gentry that lasted for several years. All this means they are willing to accept the harm from others and let the latter squeeze the marrow from their bones, but they use their whole strength to choke off the source of profits. I do not know what is in their minds. There have been foreign relations for thirty years, but the provincial authorities are entirely ignorant of them. They impose their ignorant ideas on the Court under the guise of public opinion. The latter encourages them to do this and itself uses "public opinion" as a gloss for its own purposes.

        There are more than 200 Japanese learning technology in England scattered in all the seaports. There are ninety of them in London. I have met more than twenty, and all can speak English. There is one by the name of Nagaoka Ryonosuke who was originally a feudal lord governing a kingdom by himself; he is now degraded to be a noble of hereditary rank and is studying law here. . . The telegraph office which was established in Japan was also first learned from London; as soon as the technique was mastered, a telegraph office was set up to provide the same service. There are very few who are studying military methods, probably because military science is but a practical detail, whereas the establishing of various kinds of institutional systems is the foundation for establishing the nation. The Grand Secretary [Li Hung-chang] is just now advocating military strengthening; therefore he is devoting his mind to the investigation of military methods. As far as my humble observation can reach, there is absolutely no reason to reorganize the military system in the various provinces. As for the recruiting of soldiers, it is impossible to keep it up constantly. For several decades to come we should not worry about the West taking up arms against us but simply try to decide everything with them by reasoning and by the force of circumstances. . .

        There is a Mr. [Sir MacDonald] Stephenson here who says that all countries are building more railroads. He particularly and indefatigably advises China to do this with dispatch. Herewith I carefully submit to you the general plan which he has drafted.
However, my idea is that if everything must be done by foreigners it cannot last long. We should first make the Chinese thoroughly familiar with their methods. The state of Egypt is in Africa, and when she builds railroads she first sends some people to England to study and then build them by imitation. This is the best example. . .

        There is nothing more urgent than to plan earnestly for better domestic administration, in order to lay a foundation of wealth and strength. . . The area of China is more than 10,000 li. The postal transportation to a distant place takes several tens of days. . . If the two things (railways and telegraphs) are carried through, then 10,000 li will be like the hall or threshold of one's house. If suddenly one morning there were a flood, or news of drought or a bandit uprising, the Court could be informed in the evening. Then there would be no anxiety over treacherous people's secretly starting an outbreak of rebellion. This is the first advantage. The condition of the Chinese officials and people is that they are too distant from each other; in addition, both are trying to cover the eyes and ears of the Court in order to facilitate the pursuance of their selfish purposes. For this reason the people's ideas are frequently and miserably suppressed and never reach the Emperor. If the two things (railways and telegraph) are widespread. . .  there will be no anxiety over having covetous officials suppress the opinion of the people or carry on their mischievous work for gain. This is another
advantage. . .

        The critics merely say that wherever the machines of foreigners reach, the local geomantic harmony [feng-shui, lit., "wind and water"] is injured. This is a great error. Railways and telegraph lines are always built on level ground following the state roads. There is nothing to dig up or to destroy. As for the machinery used in opening coal mines and pumping water, it is for the purpose of making the mine deeper. The deeper one digs the better the quality of coal. When Chinese dig coal they like to penetrate from the sides, when foreigners dig coal they like to get it in depth. Both are opening the mine. The shallow method and deep method actually have the same result. What harm is there? Take for instance the natural resources in Hunan: the iron mines are mostly in Pao-ch'ing and the coal mines mostly in Heng-chou, and yet the people who are famous in passing high literary examinations are particularly numerous in these two districts. . .

        After several decades foreigners will arrive and then they will gradually build railways and develop (natural resources) for us. Their influence will be sufficient to control the people and the profit will be enough to bribe the wicked, the unruly, and the trouble-makers, who will be employed in their service. Then both the ownership and the profits will fall into the hands of foreigners and China will have nothing to depend upon. Mencius says: "when heaven produced these people, it made those who know beforehand teach those who know afterward, and those who perceive earlier inspire those who perceive later." The responsibility for foresight and perception must lie in the great ministers of the Court.